- [ca] Responsabilitat Global mostra el seu suport i subscriu aquest article publicat pel col·lectiu Emma i que ja ha rebut el suport de nombrosos acadèmics i representants de la societat civil
- [es] Responsabilitat Global muestra su apoyo y suscribe este artículo publicado por el colectivo Emma y que ya ha recibido el apoyo de numerosos académicos y representantes de la sociedad civil
- [en] Responsabilitat Global endorses to this paper published by Emma group, which has already received support from numerous academics and representatives of civil society
A full-fledged bailout of Spain is now taken for granted by most
observers. In the meantime, Mr. Rajoy's government has grudgingly agreed
to submit its finances to external oversight and to implement some
overdue reforms. It is unlikely, however, that the measures it has taken
can actually put the country's economy on the right track. So far, they
seem to be designed to raise money for the state's operation rather
than to stimulate growth and create jobs. And while the need for
austerity is unquestionable, there are serious doubts about the focus of
the spending cuts and about the selective way in which they are
applied. In fact, the central government is passing much of the pain on
to the regional and local administrations, which are responsible for the
provision of most basic services. We are already witnessing the
damaging effect of those policies on the lives of citizens and some
foreseeable angry reactions.
At first glance, and given the regions' histories of carefree spending
while times were good, efforts to rein them in might seem reasonable. We
shouldn't forget, however, that the central government itself has been
just as guilty of wastefulness and poor management, and that it's still
refusing to give up some very expensive and very questionable programs.
Also, restrictions are imposed across the board, making no distinction
between the communities that rely on their own money to pay for the
services they provide and those that are essentially living –quite
regally in some cases– on public funds that the central government has
extracted from the former. And no regard is given to whether or not
individual regional administrations have been acting to control their
budgets and to put their house in order, or to how well they're doing on
that count.
Admittedly, Catalonia's record in the making of today's crisis is not
brilliant. Like other southern European societies, it got used to living
beyond its means. The real estate boom, encouraged by cheap credit and
slack financial and political supervision, created the illusion of
riches that is at the root of the present troubles. At the same time,
the irresponsible policies of previous regional administrations have
left a poisonous legacy of public debt. Catalans have brought upon
themselves much of their hardship, but their economy remains strong
enough to overcome the situation, and their burden of public and private
debt would be manageable in the short to medium term if Catalonia had
full use of the revenue it generates.
But today we are facing a grotesque situation in which the central
government –a net recipient of Catalan resources– threatens with
intervention a community that was the first to implement painful
austerity measures and whose economy, if given a chance to develop,
could best ensure the state's economic viability. Indeed, long before
Mr. Rajoy was finally compelled to act by the country's EU overseers,
the Catalan administration under President Artur Mas had set out
implementing an unpopular policy of fiscal adjustment. Now it is being
asked by the central government to inflict on its citizens one more
round of cuts that jeopardize not only the provision of services but
also most productive investments in infrastructures, education or
research that are essential for any society's future. In fact, the
central government is demanding of Catalonia sacrifices that it wouldn't
dream of imposing on itself.
***
Mr. Mas now finds his government's every move constrained by the dire
need of financing for its day-to-day operation, while the necessary
funds can be released or withheld by the central government essentially
at its discretion. So far he has chosen to treat this as a strictly
financial problem and, following this line, he's trying to reach with
the other political parties in Catalonia a consensus position that could
be a basis to renegotiate the fiscal relationship between Catalonia and
the Spanish central government. However, some Catalan officials will
admit in private that, even if that consensus could be found at home,
the chances of an agreement with Madrid are almost nil. As long as the
continuity of the Spanish project depends on the funds obtained from
Catalonia, the central government can hardly afford to give Catalans a
just financial deal without endangering the very survival of the state.
The ruling coalition would like to keep all its options open, but as
things now stand Mr. Mas may well be running out of them. Essentially,
he can insist on a negotiation and try to wring from the Spanish
government some sort of compromise, even if he's aware that all he can
expect is just another bad deal that would only postpone the inevitable
showdown. Or he could go for a clean break with a state that doesn't
feel it needs to sit and talk with a province that it can control
absolutely as long as it holds the purse strings.
On the home front, influential players in the economic scene are
reluctant to go along with any steps that could lead to a major
confrontation with Spain. This is also the position taken by
representatives of unionist parties in Catalonia, who insist on
preserving the status quo even if it's clearly damaging for their
constituents. No wonder this approach has made them lose support in
every election.
On the other hand, a clean break is exactly what a large body of
Catalans –civil society organizations, local councils, the rank-and-file
of various parties and a growing number of private individuals– appears
to be demanding from its leaders. The latest polls show support for
independence at over fifty per cent, while the numbers of those squarely
opposing it –now around twenty-one percent– continue to fall.
Understandably, economic grievances are cited by many of the Catalans
who have been warming up to the idea of independence in the past few
months. When citizens are being subjected to service cuts and tax hikes
while a big chunk of the revenue they generate continues to be siphoned
off by the central government, the economy would be a good enough reason
for Catalans to give some serious thought to political separation from a
state that is clearly working against their interests.
But it would be wrong to characterize this as a mere financial dispute
between a province and its capital. There is a more fundamental
disagreement, which is of a political nature and whose solution would
imply a complete redefinition of the state that no one outside of
Catalonia is even ready to consider. These deeper problems will be
impossible to solve as long as Spain refuses to acknowledge the
existence within the state of very diverse societies with conflicting
sets of values and to revise some tenets that it regards as essential to
its national being.
***
For a growing number of Catalans, Spain is a dead-end road, incapable of
healing itself and offering them no perspectives except more of the
same old systematic plunder of their hard-earned resources at the same
time that it uses every opportunity to stamp out their national
character. And they see the only way out in a peaceful, orderly and
responsible process of political independence.
There are justified concerns, domestically and internationally, over the
can of worms that a process of independence could open. Independence
can indeed be messy, and today Europe and the world may think that they
can ill afford an open conflict and an added source of instability. And
yet, conflict is what has defined the relation between Catalonia and
Spain for at least three hundred years, and instability –a systemic,
unsolvable form of instability– is what we already have there.
Conversely, the emergence of Catalonia as a solid political reality,
creditworthy and ready to face up to its international obligations,
would surely become a source of stability in the south of Europe.
As a result of the financial crisis, many outside observers have become
aware of Spain's economic and political shortcomings, and some may now
begin to see Catalonia as what it is –a viable and active community that
is being made to pay for the incurable flaws of a political project
that for three hundred years has been incapable of building a cohesive
project for its constituent peoples.
Beyond their immediate difficulties, Catalans are now calling for a
brand new long-term political project allowing the survival of an
economic, social and cultural model that, in spite of all the obstacles
and shortcomings, both external and self-imposed, has succeeded in
building a relatively prosperous, creative and inclusive society.
In Catalonia today the people are well ahead of their government. They
expect from their leadership that it takes on its responsibilities
towards the present and future generations. If their government chooses
to heed this call and throw its weight behind them, many more will come
round. If it doesn't, Catalans are likely to forge ahead no matter what,
either by their government's side or marching in front of it to show
the only way to a better future.
These notes were prepared by Col·lectiu Emma and have the endorsement of a number of respected civil society representatives.
Alícia Adserà (Princeton University), Sebastià Alzamora (writer), Carles
Boix (Princeton University), David Boronat (entrepreneur), Enric Bou
(Università Ca' Foscari Venezia), Jaume Cabré (writer), Miquel Calçada
(journalist and businessman), Salvador Cardús (Universitat Autònoma de
Barcelona), Ramon Carner (Cercle Català de Negocis), Muriel Casals
(Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona), Àngel Castiñeira (ESADE), Liz
Castro (writer), Jordi Comas (architect), Xavier Cuadras (Universitat
Pompeu Fabra), Jordi Cuixart (businessman), Ramon Folch (businessman),
Jordi Galí (Universitat Pompeu Fabra), M Dolors Genovés (journalist and
historian), Josep Ginebra (Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya), Modest
Guinjoan (Universitat Pompeu Fabra), Jaume López (Universitat Pompeu
Fabra), Josep Maria Lozano (ESADE), Isidor Marí (Universitat Oberta de
Catalunya), Isabel-Helena Martí (businesswoman), Rita Marzoa
(journalist), Francesc Mortés (businessman), Ferran Requejo (Universitat
Pompeu Fabra), Joan Ramon Resina (Stanford University), Xavier Roig
(writer and engineer), Jaume Soler (accoustician), Miquel Strubell
(Universitat Oberta de Catalunya), Àlex Susanna (writer), Quim Torra
(editor), Jordi Torras (entrepreneur), Matthew Tree (writer), Ramon
Tremosa (MEP, Universitat de Barcelona), Jaume Vallcorba (Fundació
Catalunya Estat), Jaume Ventura (Universitat Pompeu Fabra).
Endorsement's update: Germà Bel (Universitat de Barcelona), Martí Boada
(Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona), Susan Digiacomo (Universitat Rovira
i Virgili and University of Massachusetts at Amherst), Josep Gifreu
(Universitat Pompeu Fabra), Josep Maria Figueres (Universitat Autònoma
de Barcelona), Jordi Graupera (journalist), Antoni Maria Piqué
(journalist)
Endorsement's update: Antoni Abat (ESADE), Alfred Bosch (writer and
historian), Josep Anton Fernàndez (Universitat Oberta de Catalunya),
Clara Ponsati (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona), Rafael Pous
(Universitat Pompeu Fabra), Mariona Vernet Universitat Autònoma de
Barcelona)
Col·lectiu Emma is a network of Catalans and non-Catalans living
in different countries who have made it their job to try and set the
record straight on news items published in the international press
relating to various aspects of Catalan society
Font:
Col·lectiu Emma
Altres entrades recents / other recent posts:
L’entitat d’acció social Femarec, que porta més de 20 anys treballant per la inserció sociolaboral de persones en risc d’exclusió, ha publicat un nou vídeo anomenat “Amb Femarec la LISMI és un bon negoci”,
el quart vídeo que difonen des que ara fa uns mesos van començar les
gravacions d’unes càpsules corporatives per fer més visible la tasca que
desenvolupen.
